2025 country profile
Timor-Leste scores 65.6 out of 100 and ranks 58 of 179 in our independent 2025 democracy measure. Its lowest-scoring test is public participation. Explore the evidence and history below.
Democracys.org beta estimate, derived from V-Dem v16. A measure of political institutions and conditions—not a percentage of democracy or a judgment of people.
DEMOCRACYS SCORE
65.6out of 100Substantial but incompleteThe source-bound range is an uncertainty guide, not a confidence interval for this combined score. How to read the range →
SCORE HISTORY
The shaded area is a plain-language uncertainty guide. Treat small score differences cautiously.
About uncertaintyBEYOND THE NUMBERS
A documented development to help interpret the institutions behind the score.
2025 context · Freedom House assessment
Farmers’ unions grew and the first domestic-workers’ union formed. Freedom House records these as developments in collective organization. Their democratic importance lies in enabling people outside party politics to advocate for shared interests and participate in public decisions.
Read the country report · Freedom in the World 2026AI-assisted source summary · not independently expert-reviewed
This is a selected development, not a complete political history. Its date may differ from the selected comparison period. It is not evidence that one event caused a particular number of points, and it may describe progress even when this index declines.
The scores use V-Dem. The narrative summarizes a separate assessment by Freedom House, whose definitions and coverage differ. Neither organization endorses this website. The summary is AI-assisted, source-linked, and has not received independent country-expert review. Source checked October 5, 2026.
Why democracy measures can disagree →UNDERSTAND THE CHANGE
2015–2025 · the measured story
The score for Timor-Leste rose 5.3 points, from 60.3 to 65.6 between 2015 and 2025. All five areas improved. Participation contributed the largest upward push in the score calculation.
Read the political context ↓Largest influence on the calculation
The evidence rates opportunities to participate through civic organizations, direct democracy, and local or regional institutions more favorably.
Another important influence
The evidence rates electoral choice, voting rights, political organization, and the space for open debate more favorably.
These contributions explain the calculation—not the causes. The five area scores combine several indicators; they do not identify which individual law, election, or event changed.
The largest year-to-year movements within this period. These are changes in annual estimates, not precise dates of political events.
The overall score rose from 61.0 to 62.3. Elections supplied the largest upward contribution to that year’s calculated change.
The overall score fell from 63.5 to 62.3. Elections supplied the largest downward contribution to that year’s calculated change.
The overall score rose from 62.5 to 64.3. Participation supplied the largest upward contribution to that year’s calculated change.
Highest published score in this window: 66.0 in 2024. Small differences may fall within the source’s uncertainty.
| Area | 2015 | 2025 | Input change | Approx. contribution |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Participation | 48.0 | 56.3 | +8.3 | +1.8 |
| Elections | 64.4 | 73.6 | +9.2 | +1.8 |
| Public reasoning | 64.7 | 70.3 | +5.6 | +1.1 |
| Rights and checks | 68.9 | 71.3 | +2.4 | +0.5 |
| Political equality | 56.6 | 57.7 | +1.1 | +0.2 |
We change the five inputs from their starting to ending values in every possible order, then average each area’s effect on the formula. This distributes the formula’s interactions (a Shapley allocation). It is a mathematical attribution, not a causal estimate.
Inputs and published scores are rounded, so contributions are approximate and may not add exactly to the displayed total. No significance test is implied. Read the full scoring method →
BENEATH THE SCORE
The headline score cannot show where a political system is strong or constrained. These five tests can. Each has equal weight in the beta standard.
Can people choose their leaders through broad voting rights, honest elections, free political groups, and open public debate?
Are basic freedoms protected, laws applied fairly, courts independent, and leaders prevented from abusing power?
Can people shape public life through civic groups, direct voting, and meaningful local and regional government?
Do leaders explain decisions, consult the public, answer opposing arguments, and consider the common good?
Do different social groups have equal rights, access, resources, and a real chance to influence political power?
HOW TO READ THIS PROFILE
The score breakdown identifies which parts of the measure changed most. The country report adds documented political context. Together they help explain the institutions at stake—but they do not prove that a specific event produced a specific number of points.
Why this score differs from other democracy indices →
What a declining score can—and cannot—tell us about democratic backsliding
A recent improvement can coexist with a long-term decline. Always compare the dates, check the linked source, and consider developments the selected narrative does not cover.
ANNUAL DATA
| Year | Score | Source-bound range | Elections | Rights & checks | Participation | Reasoning | Equality |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2025 | 65.6 | 58.7–73.7 | 73.6 | 71.3 | 56.3 | 70.3 | 57.7 |
| 2024 | 66.0 | 59.2–74.1 | 73.4 | 70.7 | 56.3 | 72.2 | 58.5 |
| 2023 | 65.3 | 58.5–73.2 | 71.4 | 69.8 | 56.3 | 72.2 | 57.6 |
| 2022 | 64.3 | 57.8–72.7 | 70.9 | 69.1 | 56.3 | 70.1 | 55.9 |
| 2021 | 62.5 | 55.3–70.7 | 69.3 | 68.8 | 52.3 | 66.4 | 56.5 |
| 2020 | 62.3 | 54.7–70.4 | 67.9 | 68.5 | 53.3 | 66.4 | 56.4 |
| 2019 | 63.5 | 56.0–71.3 | 70.3 | 70.1 | 53.9 | 68.2 | 56.1 |
| 2018 | 63.0 | 55.3–70.5 | 68.9 | 69.4 | 53.7 | 68.2 | 55.9 |
| 2017 | 62.3 | 55.2–70.6 | 67.1 | 69.4 | 52.6 | 67.6 | 55.9 |
| 2016 | 61.0 | 54.2–69.5 | 62.8 | 69.6 | 52.2 | 66.3 | 54.8 |
| 2015 | 60.3 | 53.5–68.9 | 64.4 | 68.9 | 48.0 | 64.7 | 56.6 |
| 2014 | 60.5 | 53.4–68.5 | 63.9 | 70.6 | 48.1 | 64.1 | 57.0 |
| 2013 | 61.2 | 53.9–69.2 | 66.1 | 73.3 | 48.1 | 64.1 | 56.2 |
| 2012 | 61.1 | 54.0–69.0 | 65.0 | 73.6 | 48.1 | 64.1 | 56.3 |
| 2011 | 60.8 | 54.0–68.9 | 63.2 | 73.2 | 48.1 | 64.1 | 57.0 |
| 2010 | 60.9 | 53.8–68.7 | 63.2 | 73.2 | 49.2 | 64.1 | 56.3 |
| 2009 | 59.5 | 52.3–67.6 | 61.7 | 72.0 | 46.9 | 62.8 | 55.4 |
| 2008 | 59.5 | 52.2–67.7 | 61.8 | 71.6 | 46.9 | 62.8 | 55.8 |
| 2007 | 58.9 | 51.7–67.2 | 60.9 | 71.6 | 46.2 | 62.8 | 54.4 |
| 2006 | 56.8 | 49.2–64.9 | 56.9 | 66.9 | 46.2 | 61.4 | 53.9 |
| 2005 | 56.3 | 48.4–64.4 | 57.2 | 66.8 | 46.2 | 58.0 | 54.1 |
| 2004 | 55.3 | 47.9–63.6 | 57.3 | 67.8 | 34.5 | 66.4 | 54.5 |
| 2003 | 55.3 | 47.9–63.6 | 57.3 | 67.8 | 34.5 | 66.4 | 54.5 |
| 2002 | 55.3 | 47.7–63.5 | 56.1 | 70.6 | 33.4 | 66.4 | 54.5 |
CITE THIS PROFILE
Democracys.org (2026), “Timor-Leste Democracy Score, 2002–2025,” Democracys Standard v1.0 beta; derived from Coppedge et al. (2026), V-Dem Country-Year Dataset v16.
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